Sabtu, 28 Januari 2012

Pengadilan Berpihak ke Pengusaha Buruh Ancam Mogok



Pengadilan TUN Kabulkan Gugatan Apindo. Buruh Kabupaten Bekasi mengancam akan 
stop produksi.


Ribuan buruh menutup dua ruas pintu Tol yang menjadi akses utama ke tujuh kawasan industri di Cikarang, Kabupaten Bekasi, Jawa Barat kemarin. Dua pintu tol itu MM2100, 
dan Deltamas, Cikarang Pusat. Para buruh kecewa terhadap keputusan majelis hakim Pengadilan Tata Usaha Negara (PTUN) Bandung. Pengadilan itu memenangkan gugatan Asosiasi Pengusaha Indonesia (Apindo) terhadap Upah Minimum Kabupaten (UMK) Bekasi.

Dari pantauan Tempo di atas jembatan tol kawasan Lippo Cikarang, dua sisi ruas jalan tol
baik arah Cikampek maupun arah Jakarta nyaris lumpuh. Hanya satu dua kendaraan yang
melintas, bahkan badan jalan digunakan anak-anak bermain bola.

Buruh yang menutup ruas Tol di kawasan MM2100 adalah mereka yang tak ikut ke 
Bandung, mendengarkan sidang di PTUN. Mereka sudah siaga sejak pagi, dan ketika menerima kabar bahwa gugatan UMK dimenangkan pengusaha, mereka langsung turun
je jalan memenuhi ruas tol.

Buruh yang menutup ruas tol di kawasan Deltamas sebagian besar yang usai mengikuti sidang PTUN di Bandung, dalam perjalanan pulang ke Bekasi sekitar 2.000 buruh itu memenuhi ruas tol. Setiap dua kilometer perjalanan dari ibukota Provinsi Jawa Barat,
buruh berhenti dan berorasi."Kami kecewa, Apindo sebelumnya berjanji mencabut
gugatan tetapi sidang tetap jalan," kata Koordinator Buruh Bekasi Bergerak, Obon 
Tabroni, yang juga pengurus federasi serikat pekerja metal Indonesia, kemarin sore.

Majelis hakim yang dipimpin Pribadi F Manoa memenangkan sebagian gugatan Apindo Kabupaten Bekasi dan menyatakan pembatalan Surat Keputusan Gubernur Jawa Barat Nomor 561/Kep.1540-Bangsos/2011 yang mengatur soal penetapan upah minimum di Kabupaten Bekasi. . Asosiasi itu menggugat Keputusan Gubernur yang menetapkan upah 
di Kabupaten Bekasi untuk kelompok III UMK Rp 1.491.866, Kelompok II Rp 1.715.645, 
dan Kelompok I Rp 1.849.913.

Gubernur Jawa Barat, Ahmad Heryawan, melalui Juru bicaranya Rudy Gandakusumah menyatakan, akan mengajukan banding atas putusan tersebut. Alasannya, penetapan 
UMK itu sudah melalui semua mekanisme dan prosedur. “Prosedur dan mekanisme
sudah ditempuh melalui rekomendasi Dewan Pengupahan,” katanya.

Alasan Hakim memutuskan seperti itu, karena dalam proses penetapan upah, wakil pengusaha Walk-Out dari rapat Dewan Pengupahan. Majelis hakim memandang
kesepakatan bersama tak terpenuhi dan keputusan Gubernur itu cacat yuridis dan 
dinilai sewenang-wenang.

Anggota Dewan Pengupahan Kabupaten Bekasi dari unsur pekerja, Syaiful Anwar mempersoalkan putusan Pengadilan TUN Bandung. Menurutnya, perintah pengadilan mencabut keputusan gubernur itu menimbulkan ketidakpastian.

Menurut Saiful, Hakim Pengadilan TUN Bandung itu mengabaikan fungsi Dewan Pengupahan sebagai lembaga resmi yang dibentuk pemerintah lewat Keputusan Presiden Nomor 107 Tahun 2004. “Hakim mengabaikan Kepres tentang upah minimum yang ditetapkan oleh rekomendasi Dewan Pengupahan,”ujarnya.

Mensikapi keputusan TUN itu, menurut Koordinator lapangan aksi para buruh Kabupaten Bekasi, Nurdin, akan meninggalkan pekerjaanya. “Semua buruh di Kabupaten Bekasi, 
stop produksi mulai hari ini,”katanya.

AT/Hamludin/Ahmad Fikri

Rabu, 25 Januari 2012

Peringkat Kebebasan Pers Indonesia di 146

Reporters Without Borders

01-25-2012

Press Freedom Index 2011-2012: Indonesia 146th


http://en.rsf.org/press-freedom-index-2011-2012,1043.html

(not working before GMT 8.00AM)


Violence and censorship on the rise in Asia


Violence and impunity persist in Pakistan, Afghanistan and Philippines, more repression
in Sri Lanka, Vietnam and China

In Afghanistan (150th) and Pakistan (151st), violence remained the main concern for
journalists, who were under constant threat from the Taliban, religious extremists,
separatist movements and political groups. With 10 deaths in 2011, Pakistan was the
world’s deadliest country for journalists for the second year in a row.

In the Philippines (140th), which rose again in the index after falling in 2010 as a result
ofthe massacre of 32 journalists in Ampatuan in November 2009, paramilitary groups
and private militias continued to attack media workers. The judicial investigation into
the Ampatuan massacre made it clear that the response of the authorities was seriously inadequate.

Journalists continued to be exposed to violence in Bangladesh (129th) and Nepal (106th),
although less than in the past. In Nepal, journalists were regularly subjected to threats
from rival political groups and their supporters. In Bangladesh, opposition groups and
the ruling Awami League took turns to attack and obstruct the press. Despite genuine
media pluralism, the law allows the government to maintain excessive control over the
media and the Internet.

In Nepal, a decline in attacks by Maoist groups in the south and greater efficiency on the
part of the justice system account for the modest improvement in the country’s ranking.
However, press freedom was marred by threats and attacks by politicians and armed
groups throughout the year.

Authoritarianism and ambivalence at the bottom of the index

Freedom of information worsened considerably in two Asian countries under
authoritarian rule.

China, which has more journalists, bloggers and cyber-dissidents in prison than any other
country, stepped up its censorship and propaganda in 2011 and tightened its control of
the Internet, particularly the blogosphere. The first protest movements in Arab countries
and the ensuing calls for democracy in China’s main cities set off a wave of arrests with
no end yet in sight.

In the autonomous regions of Tibet, Inner Mongolia and Xinjiang, protests by minorities
regularly gave rise to a harsh crackdown by the authorities. In Beijing and Shanghai, international correspondents were particular targets of the security forces and had to
work under the continual threat of expulsion or having their visas withdrawn. Journalists
were prevented from covering most of the events that threatened China’s stability or
might have given it a negative image.

Vietnam (172nd) appeared to follow China’s repressive lead and fell seven places.
Politically committed journalists and pro-democracy bloggers were harassed by the authorities while the courts continued to invoke state security to hand out prison
sentences ranging from two to seven years. The blogger Pham Minh Hoang, for example,
was sentenced to three years in prison and three years under house arrest on 10 August
on a charge of trying to overthrow the government.

In Sri Lanka (163rd), the stranglehold of the Rajapakse clan forced the last few opposition
journalists to flee the country. Any that stayed behind were regularly subjected to harassment and threats. Attacks were less common but impunity and official censorship
of independent news sites put an end to pluralism and contributed more than ever to self-censorship by almost all media outlets.  

Burma (169th) showed signs of beginning to carry out reforms including partial
amnesties and a reduction in prior censorship, but it remained largely under the control
of an authoritarian government run by former members of the military junta reinvented
as civilian politicians. Less than 10 of its journalists remain in prison at the start of 2012.

In North Korea (178th), although news and information was able to move across its
borders to a greater extent, no one knows whether this will continue under Kim Jong-un,
the son and heir of Kim Jong-il. The dynastic succession, the dominance of the  military machine and the government’s desire for power give no grounds for optimism.

At the top, the good boys turn bad

Those who are traditionally good performers did not shine in 2011. With New Zealand’s
fall to 13thposition, no country in the Asia-Pacific region figured among the top 10 in the
index. Hong Kong (54th) saw a sharp deterioration in press freedom in 2011 and its
ranking fell sharply. Arrests, assaults and harassment worsened working conditions for journalists to an extent not seen previously, a sign of a worrying change in government policy.

In Australia (30th), the media were subjected to investigations and criticism by the authorities, and were denied access to information, while in Japan (22nd) coverage of the
tsunami and the Fukushima nuclear accident gave rise to excessive restrictions and
exposed the limits of the pluralism of the country’s press.

Causes for concern

In India (131st), journalists were exposed to violence stemming from the persistent
conflicts in the states of Chhattisgarh and Jammu and Kashmir. The threat from mafia
groups operating in the main cities of the coutnry also contributed to self-censorship. However, the authorities were no better. In May, they unveiled the “Information
Technology Rules 2011,” which have dangerous implications for online freedom of expression. Foreign reporters saw their visa requests turned down or were pressured
to provide positive coverage.

In Indonesia, an army crackdown in West Papua province, where at least two journalists
were killed, five kidnapped and 18 assaulted in 2011, was the main reason for the
country’s fall to 146thposition in the index. A corrupt judiciary that is too easily
influenced by politicians and pressure groups and government attempts to control the
media and Internet have prevented the development of a freer press.


Illegal detention and intimidation in Mongolia (100th) and the Maldives (73rd) showed
up the weakness of press freedom there. A climate of religious intolerance prevailed in
the Maldives, where media organizations were subjected to threats by the authorities
and had to deal with an Islamic affairs ministry bent on imposing the Sharia to the
detriment of free expression.

______________________________

In the rest of the world:


Crackdowns on protests cause big changes to index positions

Syria, Bahrain and Yemen get worst ever rankings

“This year’s index sees many changes in the rankings, changes that reflect a year that
was incredibly rich in developments, especially in the Arab world,” Reporters Without Borders said today as it released its 10th annual press freedom index. “Many media paid
dearly for their coverage of democratic aspirations or opposition movements. Control of
news and information continued to tempt governments and to be a question of survival
for totalitarian and repressive regimes. The past year also highlighted the leading role
played by netizens in producing and disseminating news.


“Crackdown was the word of the year in 2011. Never has freedom of information been so
closely associated with democracy. Never have journalists, through their reporting, vexed
the enemies of freedom so much. Never have acts of censorship and physical attacks on
journalists seemed so numerous. The equation is simple: the absence or suppression of
civil liberties leads necessarily to the suppression of media freedom. Dictatorships fear
and ban information, especially when it may undermine them.


“It is no surprise that the same trio of countries, Eritrea, Turkmenistan and North Korea,
absolute dictatorships that permit no civil liberties, again occupy the last three places in
the index. This year, they are immediately preceded at the bottom by Syria, Iran and
China, three countries that seem to have lost contact with reality as they have been
sucked into an insane spiral of terror, and by Bahrain and Vietnam, quintessential
oppressive regimes. Other countries such as Uganda and Belarus have also become
much more repressive.


“This year’s index finds the same group of countries at its head, countries such as Finland,
Norway and Netherlands that respect basic freedoms. This serves as a reminder that
media independence can only be maintained in strong democracies and that democracy
needs media freedom. It is worth noting the entry of Cape Verde and Namibia into the top
twenty, two African countries where no attempts to obstruct the media were reported in 2011.”

Protest movements

The Arab world was the motor of history in 2011 but the Arab uprisings have had
contrasting political outcomes so far, with Tunisia and Bahrain at opposite ends of the
scale. Tunisia (134th) rose 30 places in index and, with much suffering, gave birth to a
democratic regime that has not yet fully accepted a free and independent press. Bahrain
(173rd) fell 29 places because of its relentless crackdown on pro-democracy movements,
its trials of human rights defenders and its suppression of all space for freedom.

While Libya (154th) turned the page on the Gaddafi era, Yemen succumbed to violence between President Ali Abdallah Saleh’s opponents and supporters and languished in
171st position. The future of both of these countries remains uncertain, and the place
they will allow the media is undecided. The same goes for Egypt, which fell 39 places to
166th because the Supreme Council of the Armed Forces, in power since February,
dashed the hopes of democrats by continuing the Mubarak dictatorship’s practices.
There were three periods of exceptional violence for journalists: in February, November
and December.

Already poorly ranked in 2010, Syria fell further in the index, to 176th position, because
total censorship, widespread surveillance, indiscriminate violence and government manipulation made it impossible for journalists to work.

Elsewhere in the world, pro-democracy movements that tried to follow the Arab example
were ruthlessly suppressed. Many arrests were made in Vietnam (172nd). In China
(174th), the government responded to regional and local protests and to public
impatience with scandals and acts of injustice by feverishly reinforcing its system of controlling news and information, carrying out extrajudicial arrests and stepping up
Internet censorship. There was a dramatic rise in the number of arrests in Azerbaijan (162nd), where Ilham Aliyev’s autocratic government did not hesitate to jail netizens,
abduct opposition journalists and bar foreign reporters in order to impose a news
blackout on the unrest.


Led by President Yoweri Museveni, Uganda (139th) launched an unprecedented crack
down on opposition movements and independent media after the elections in February. Similarly, Chile (80th) fell 47 places because of its many freedom of information violations,
committed very often by the security forces during student protests. The United States
(47th) also owed its fall of 27 places to the many arrests of journalist covering Occupy
Wall Street protests.


Several European countries fall far behind rest of continent

The index has highlighted the divergence of some European countries from the rest of
the continent. The crackdown on protests after President Lukashenko’s reelection caused
Belarus to fall 14 places to 168th. At a time when it is portraying itself as a regional
model, Turkey (148th) took a big step backwards and lost 10 places. Far from carrying
out promised reforms, the judicial system launched a wave of arrests of journalists that
was without precedent since the military dictatorship.

Within the European Union, the index reflects a continuation of the very marked
distinction between countries such as Finland and Netherlands that have always had a
good evaluation and countries such as Bulgaria (80th), Greece (70th) and Italy (61st) that
fail to address the issue of their media freedom violations, above all because of a lack of political will. There was little progress from France, which went from 44th to 38th, or
from Spain (39th) and Romania (47th). Media freedom is a challenge that needs
addressing more than ever in  the Balkans, which want to join the European Union but
are suffering the negative effects of the economic crisis.


Endemic violence

Many countries are marked by a culture of violence towards the media that has taken a
deep hold. It will be hard to reverse the trends in these countries without an effective
fight against impunity. Mexico (149th) and Honduras (135th) are two cases in point.
Pakistan (151st) was the world’s deadliest country for journalists for the second year running. Somalia (164th), which has been at war for 20 years, shows no sign of finding
a way out of the chaos in which journalists are paying a heavy price.

In Iran (175th), hounding and humiliating journalists has been part of officialdom’s
political culture for years. The regime feeds on persecution of the media. Iraq (152nd)
fell back 22 places and is now worryingly approaching its 2008 position (158th).


Noteworthy changes

South Sudan, a new nation facing many challenges, has entered the index in a respectable
position (111th) for what is a breakaway from one of the worst ranked countries, Sudan (170th). Burma (169th) has a slightly better position than in previous years as a result of political changes in recent months that have raised hopes but need to be confirmed.
Niger (29th) achieved the biggest rise in a single year, 75 places, thanks to a successful political transition.

It was Africa that also saw the biggest falls in the index. Djibouti, a discreet little
dictatorship in the Horn of Africa, fell 49 places to 159th. Malawi (146th) fell 67 places because of the totalitarian tendencies of its president, Bingu Wa Mutharika. Uganda,
mentioned above,  fell 43 places to 139th. Finally, Côte d'Ivoire fell 41 places to 159th because the media were badly hit by the fighting between the supporters of rival
presidents Laurent Gbagbo nand Alassane Ouattara.

The biggest fall in Latin America was by Brazil, which plunged 41 places to 99th because
the high level of violence resulted in the deaths of three journalists and bloggers.

--
Benjamin Ismaïl
Head of Asia-Pacific Desk
Reporters Without Borders
Paris - France
+33 1 44 83 84 70

Twitter: @RSFAsiaPacific, @RSF_Asia (中文)
Facebook : facebook.com/reporterswithoutborders
Skype: rsfasia
Website: http://en.rsf.org/asia,2.html

Terlambat Masuk Penjara

Wawancara Ahmad Taufik:
"Saya Terlambat Masuk Penjara"


Ahmad TaufikPada tanggal 1 September 1995, Ahmad Taufik, Ketua Presidium Aliansi Jurnalis Independen (AJI), divonis hukuman 2 tahun 8 bulan penjara di Pengadilan Negeri Jakarta Pusat. Taufik, ketika itu 30 tahun, dipersalahkan melanggar pasal 154 KUHP yaitu menyebarkan perasaan kebencian dan permusuhan kepada pemerintah melalui penerbitan "Independen". Taufik ditangkap dalam sebuah acara halal-bihalal yang diselenggarakan AJI di Hotel Wisata Jakarta. Anak Jakarta yang reporter Majalah Mingguan Berita TEMPO itu ditahan bersama aktivis AJI Eko Maryadi dan kepala rumahtangga AJI Danang Kukuh Wardoyo. Sabtu dua pekan lalu, 19 Juli, Taufik bersama Eko dibebaskan bersyarat, empat bulan lebih cepat dari hukuman semula. Sedangkan Danang sudah lebih dulu bebas.
Apa yang akan dilakukannya di luar tembok penjara? "Saya mau silaturahmi selama dua atau tiga bulan ini. Saya mengunjungi semua yang sudah memberikan perhatian kepada saya sewaktu di tahanan di Jakarta dan di Kuningan, Jawa Barat" kata ayah satu anak ini -- ketika dia ditangkap sang putra baru berusia 10 hari. Sarjana hukum Unisba Bandung itu sempat menjalani hukumannya di lima penjara: tahanan Polda Jakarta, Rutan Salemba, LP Cipinang, LP Cirebon, dan LP Kuningan.
Vonis untuk Taufik boleh dibilang muncul dari sebuah pengadilan yang sarat "rekayasa". Berbagai saksi meringankan, misalnya almarhumah Brigjen (Pol.) Roekmini Astuti, ternyata tak "didengar oleh hakim. Dalam sebuah bukunya, almarhumah Roekmini menurutkan kesedihannya atas penahanan wartawan-wartawan muda ini. Maka, pantas saja ketika palu diketok hakim mendadak sontak pengunjung berteriak,"Pengadilan direkayasa...rekayasa."
Pengunjung pengadilan waktu itu membludak. Karena, pembacaan vonis di Pengadilan Jakarta Pusat itu bersamaan dengan putusan kepada Eko Maryadi, dan juga Tri Agus Siswomihardjo, aktivis Pijar yang juga "tersandung" pasal penghinaan karena tulisannya di Buletin Pijar menulis dengan mengutip pernyataan Adnan Buyung Nasution dalam acara di Kantor YLBHI yang menuding pimpinan negara. Berikut wawancara Edy Budiyarso dari TEMPO Interaktif dengan Ahmad Taufik, yang ketika dipenjara menerima tiga penghargaan pejuang pers ini, dua dari dalam negeri dan satu penghargaan diterima dari Committe to Protect Journalist (CPJ) -- organisasi kewartawanan yang anggotanya antara lain adalah raja televisi Ted Turner dari CNN.

Bagaimana pengalaman Anda selama di penjara?
Di penjara saya lebih melihat banyaknya aturan yang tidak sesuai dengan ucapan-ucapan para pejabat. Dan ini yang seharusnya diperbaiki di masa depan. Saya menemui banyak kesewenang-wenangan di penjara. Ada orang dipenjara karena dipaksa menerima BAP di kepolisian, dan hakim menjatuhkan vonis hanya didasari oleh BAP dari polisi tanpa memperhatikan kesaksian tersangka. Kejadian begini terjadi di berbagai kasus, misalnya pembunuhan, narkotika. Karena kebetulan saya sebagai wartawan, maka saya melihat semua itu.
Bagaimana ceritanya Anda bisa dipindah-pindahkan ke beberapa tempat?
Saya pertama kali ditahan di Polda Metro Jaya selama 57 hari, kemudian saya dipindahkan ke Salemba selama satu tahun. Dari Salemba ke Cipinang, bertepatan dengan kaburnya Eddy Tansil pada 6 Mei 1996. Setelah itu saya dipindahkan ke LP Cirebon, pada tengah malam tanggal 16 Maret 1996. Terakhir kali saya dipindahkan ke LP Kuningan, Jawa Barat.
Kabarnya ketika di LP Cipinang, Anda dekat dengan tokoh Timor-Timur Xanana Gusmao?
Ya, seperti biasa saja. Saya juga biasa ngobrol dengan napi-napi lain, ada yang penipu, pembunuh, dan pemalsu solar. Kami semua sama di dalam penjara. Xanana itu kapten kesebelasan, ia jago main bola. Dan kalau ia main biasanya saya ikut nonton. Dengan Xanana kami agak lebih akrab karena, lebih enak kalau kami mengobrol dengan orang yang minimal sama pengetahuannya. Saya terkesan dengan perjuangan Xanana demi kemerdekaan Timor-Timur.
Kabarnya Anda sempat belajar bahasa Portugis?
Sedikit saja, obligardo atau terima kasih, buatharde selamat siang. Saya juga melukis seperti Xanana, tetapi lukisan Xanana jauh lebih hebat dari lukisan saya. Di dalam penjara Xanana banyak membuat bingkai lukisan. Saya sendiri melukis dengan cat minyak. Ketika terjadi Peristiwa 27 Juli 1996, saya berada di Cipinang, maka saya imajinasikan gambaran peristiwa itu lewat kanvas, karena saya membaca koran dan melihatnya lewat televisi. Kata orang lukisan saya itu bergaya ekspresionis.
Selain melukis kegiatan apa lagi yang Anda lakukan selama dalam penjara?
Saya membuat puisi ketika saya berada di LP Cirebon, di sana ada kerusuhan yang saya sebut "Desember Kelabu" dalam puisi saya. Saya membayangkan peristiwa kerusuhan yang persis di depan mata saya ini, sama dengan Peristiwa 27 Juli 1996 di Jakarta.
Bagaimana Anda memantau perkembangan di luar terali penjara?
Saya masih sempat baca koran dan alhamdulillah saya tidak menemui kesulitan untuk mendapatkan koran. Di penjara saya bisa membaca koran sampai ke iklan-iklan kecil. Sampai ada iklan menjual rumah saya tahu. Saya punya lebih banyak waktu di penjara untuk membaca, yang paling banyak saya baca sampai habis adalah novel.
Bagaimana perasaan Anda ketika hakim mengetuk palu vonis?
Saya melihat sistem hukum kita yang tidak bebas. Hakim dalam tekanan ketika memutuskan perkara. Ketika saya bebas, saya sempat bertemu dengan jaksa yang pernah memeriksa saya. Ia bertanya kepada saya, apakah masalah saham Harmoko yang ada di berbagai media massa itu dipermasalahkan di pengadilan. Saya katakan, itulah yang tidak dimasukkan. Seharusnya memang dimasukkan, biar ada pembuktian tentang benar atau tidaknya Harmoko mempunyai saham di berbagai media massa itu.
Hal itu juga ada dalam pikiran saya ketika masih menjadi tahanan Polda Metro Jaya. Mungkin karena saya kebanyakan nonton film hukum seperti The Firm, jadi saya membayangkan substansi materinya benar-benar akan dibahas. Tetapi hal itu tidak dibahas, pengadilan dibiarkan mengalir saja, dan substansi masalah hanyalah formalitas belaka.
Sebagai seorang aktifis apakah Anda pernah membayangkan akan masuk penjara?
Saya merasa hidup ini seperti air. Terkadang mengalir, terkadang harus dihambat dan dibendung. Tetapi toh bisa tetap mengalir juga ke bawah. Kalau soal resiko, justru saya sudah siap masuk penjara kira-kira lima tahun lalu, ketika saya masih menjadi aktifis mahasiswa di Bandung. Jadi ini terlambat. Ketika ada kawan saya sesama aktifis dari Bandung yang menjenguk saya, ia katakan kenapa dulu ketika masih menjadi aktifis di Bandung saya tidak pernah ditangkap.
Sewaktu masih mahasiswa Anda sering ikut aksi?
Selama saya masih menjadi mahasiswa di Unisba Bandung, beberapa kali saya ikut demonstrasi dalam kasus tanah Badega, Sagara di Garut, dan SDSB di Bandung. Dulu itu saya bersama-sama teman-teman.
Bagaimana keluarga Anda ketika mendengar Anda masuk penjara?
Semuanya menerima. Bahkan ada yang mendukung saya secara positif, karena itu resiko saya (Istrinya, Syafai'liyin, seminggu sekali menjenguknya di berbagai rutan, membawa anak mereka, Alianzi Muntazhar, yang masih balita, Red.).
Dalam sejarahnya para pemimpin bangsa sering keluar masuk penjara karena urusan politik. Anda punya "kebanggaan" sebagai narapidana politik?
Saya biasa-biasa saja. Karena pasal yang dituduhkan kepada saya bukan pasal subversi, pasal yang dikenakan kepada saya 154 KUHP. Yaitu penyebaran perasan kebencian dan permusuhan kepada pemerintah, hanya penyebaran perasaan saja. Ada sedikit masalah politik, jadi bukan murni politik, tetapi oleh sebagian orang dianggap ini sebagai masalah politik.
Di penjara Anda berkumpul bersama Eko Maryadi dan Tri Agus Siswomihardjo, apa yang Anda lakukan?
Saya bertemu hanya untuk berdiskusi saja. Waktu itu di penjara Cirebon, kami pernah satu tempat bersama-sama. Sebulan pertama selama di penjara Cirebon itu ada semacam orientasi, saya ditempatkan di tempat yang besar dengan napi yang lain. Karena bersama-sama mereka, maka mau tidak mau saya bicara dengan mereka. Tiga bulan berikutnya kami sudah di kamar kecil sendiri-sendiri. Setelah itu kami dipindahkan ke kamar yang lain bersama-sama untuk berasimilasi dengan napi yang lain. Dari LP Cirebon saya dipisahkan. Saya ke Kuningan 24 Februari 1997. Tri Agus ke Subang.
Ketika masih di Cirebon Tri Agus menjadi pemimpin regu dalam acara baris berbaris, Anda menjadi apa?
Saya paling disuruh membaca Catur Darma Narapidana, tetapi saya membacanya dengan ngaco, tidak mengenal titik koma, lempeng terus. Oleh salah seorang sipir saya dianggap "wartawan bocor," bocor istilah di Cirebon itu artinya gila, jadi saya dianggap wartawan gila. Akhirnya saya tidak diminta lagi membaca Catur Dharma Narapidana. Mereka kapok menyuruh saya.
Selama di penjara Anda sampai empat kali dipindahkan dari satu penjara ke penjara lain, di penjara mana Anda merasa paling enak?
Semua penjara tidak ada yang enak. Tetapi sebagai orang kota, saya lebih kerasan di Cipinang. Sebagai seorang wartawan, saya tertantang untuk membuat investigasi, karena di Cipinang ada penjahat dan koruptor besar, serta tokoh-tokoh politik Orde Lama. Jadi dari mereka saya bisa tahu, bahwa Orde Lama juga tidak seperti yang tertulis dalam buku pelajaran saya waktu SMP. Pokoknya di Cipinang itu lebih banyak yang bisa diliput. Cocok sebagai lahan yang bisa digarap menjadi bahan tulisan.
Apa mereka terbuka kepada Anda?
Mungkin karena pendekatan saya dan sesama napi, membuat kami lebih terbuka. Dibandingkan saya sebagai wartawan yang di penjara, ketika masih di rutan Salemba.
Anda sempat menulis untuk media massa?
Ketika saya berada di Salemba, saya menulis untuk suplemen Delik. Perasaan saya senang sekali ketika tahu tulisan saya dimuat, ingatan saya kembali ketika baru pertama kali menulis di surat kabar dan dimuat.
Selama di penjara Anda juga mendapat penghargaan dari berbagai lembaga nasional dan internasional dari mana saja?
Saya mendapat penghargaan Suardi Tasrif pada tanggal 22 Juni tahun 1995. Saya juga mendapatkan penghargaan CPJ Award, dari Committe to Protect Journalist yang bermarkas di New York pada tahun 1995. Saya juga mendapatkan penghargaan Digul Award pada 10 Desember 1996.
Apa yang akan Anda lakukan setelah keluar dari penjara?
Saya mau refreshing dulu. Saya mau bersilahturahmi pada teman-teman yang membantu selama saya dipenjara. Karena dengan bantuan mereka, saya menjadi kuat. Tiga bulan pertama, tiga bulan silaturrahmi.
Apa yang paling mengesankan selama Anda dipenjara?
Yang paling mengesankan ketika saya dijenguk Presiden International Federation of Journalist, Jens Linde. Saya terkesan, karena LPCipinang yang ketat terhadap kunjungan orang asing, Jens Linde, bisa masuk walaupun harus menyamar sebagai turis dan teman saya.
Apa bedanya di dalam penjara dan di luar penjara?
Sama saja, bahkan saya masuk ke "penjara besar", yang mana saya tidak tahu bahaya yang akan datang. Kalau dalam penjara kecil kami bisa tahu siapa yang menggebuk kita dan tinggal di sel nomor berapa.
Zed A 

Edisi 22/02 - 30/Jul/97 NAsional

Document - Indonesia: Journalists' sentences increased as media restrictions continue


Indonesia: Journalists’ sentences increased as media restrictions continue
INDONESIA
Journalists’ sentences increased as media restrictions continue
People may be detained only if they express their ideas with physical violence

Marzuki Darusman, member of Indonesia's National Human Rights Commission1
Introduction
In April 1995, Amnesty International published a report outlining its concerns on 
continuing restrictions on freedom of expression and association in Indonesia and 
the unwillingness of the Indonesian Government to tolerate peaceful political opposition2.
The report highlighted the arrests of four individuals, whom Amnesty International 
considers to be prisoners of conscience, detained simply for exercising their
fundamental right to freedom of expression and association guaranteed under 
Indonesia's own Constitution and international human rights standards. The four
are: Ahmad Taufik and Eko Maryadi, journalists from Aliansi Jurnalis Independen
the Alliance of Independent Journalists (AJI)3, an AJI office worker, Danang 
Kukuh Wardoyo and Tri Agus Susanto, journalist and activist with the Pijar 
Foundation4.
In a clear sign of the government’s attitude towards press freedom in Indonesia, all four 
were sentenced to prison terms ranging from 20 months to two years and eight
months in September. On 24 November, their lawyers were informed that the
sentences against Ahmad Taufik and Eko Maryadi had been increased by four 
months to three years.
This report details the trials and sentencing of all four and also focuses on
continuing restrictions on individuals peacefully exercising their right to 
freedom of expression and association. It also looks at continuing restrictions on the
media and recent legal developments concerning freedom of expression and
association in Indonesia. The report concludes with recommendations to the 
Indonesian Government which Amnesty International believes, if implemented, would 
ensure that citizens are free to exercise their guaranteed right to freedom of expression 
and association, without fear of arrest and imprisonment.
1. PRISONERS OF CONSCIENCESENTENCED
1.1 Tri Agus Susanto

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An activist with the Pijar Foundation, Tri Agus Susanto was arrested on 9 March, 
following a raid on the organisation's offices. During the raid documents and 
computer diskettes were confiscated by the police. Another member of Pijar arrested at
the same time, Syahrul, was released without charge on 11 March. The official reason 
for the arrest was a speech concerning press freedom made by leading human rights 
lawyer, Adnan Buyung Nasution, the contents of which were printed in the June 1994 
edition of Pijar's magazine, Kabar Dari Pijar (News from Pijar). However, 
Amnesty International believes that the real reason for the arrests was to restrict
the activities of a non-governmental organisation which was concerned with issues that
the government considered sensitive. Tri Agus Susanto was charged under Articles 134 
and 55(1) of Indonesia's Criminal Code. The first, although not usually described as 
one of Indonesia’s so-called “Hate-sowing Articles”5, it punishes "insulting the Head of 
State" by up to six years' imprisonment. The second stipulates that although a person
may not have been directly involved in a crime, if they were present at the crime then 
they may be liable to the same punishment as the person who committed the crime. 
The prosecution's accusation against him related solely to the speech covered by 
Pijar's magazine, and contained no comments by Tri Agus himself.
Tri Agus was tried in July under heavy security in the courtroom. On 11 September he
was found guilty of "insulting the Head of State" under Article 134 and sentenced to 
two years' in prison, and in November the sentence was upheld on appeal. Pijar's 
Director, Nuku Soleiman, is already serving four years in prison for a similar 
offence. Amnesty International also considers him to be a prisoner of conscience held
for his peaceful activities. His "crime" was to distribute brochures during a
demonstration in 1993.
1.2 AJI journalists and office worker
Ahmad Taufik and Danang Kukuh Wardoyo were among seven people arrested on 16 
March at around 9.30 pm when they attended a function at the Wisata Hotel in
Central Jakarta. The occasion was a celebration of the end of the Muslim fasting 
month of Ramadan (Halal Bihalal). Eko Maryadi was arrested on the same night 
during a police raid on the offices of AJI, where he was staying. All except for Danang 
were released from police custody after about three hours. However, around 3 am the
next morning, Ahmad Taufik and Eko Maryadi were both rearrested and taken into 
police custody where they joined Danang.
The three were arrested without warrants and held at Jakarta Police Headquarters 
where interrogations began. The initial accusation against them was that an 
unlicensed journal, Independen - an AJI publication - was being sold illegally at the
Wisata Hotel during the celebration. The accusations were later expanded to 
cover the content of articles in the magazine. These related to articles concerning the 
family of the Minister of Information, Harmoko, who are share-holders in a 
number of publications and his power to grant or revoke publishing licences and 
another article concerning the presidential succession. It was clear however that, 
coming a week after the raid on Pijar's office, the arrests were part of an attempt 
by the government to restrict further the activities of independent journalists 
and non-governmental organisations. Since the founding of AJI, journalists associated 
with the organisation had been dismissed or threatened with dismissal by employees
who are under pressure from the authorities not to employ AJI members. The AJI 
publication had become increasingly popular, despite the fact that it was operating 
without an official license.
The charges against the three related primarily to their alleged acts of "insulting the
government", demonstrating an unwillingness on the part of the government to tolerate independent journalism. They were all charged under two of the "Hate-sowing Articles"; Article 154 of the Criminal Code carries a maximum sentence of seven years
imprisonment for "...the public expression of feelings of hostility, hatred or contempt
toward the government..." and Article 155 carries a maximum sentence of four years and
six months imprisonment for a similar offence They were also charged under Articles
55(1) and 134 of the Criminal Code.
Dozens of peaceful protestors have been jailed as prisoners of conscience under 
these articles and are serving prison sentences for peaceful activities such as 
disseminating information about human rights violations and organizing 
demonstrations. Ahmad Taufik and Eko Maryadi were also charged under Articles
19(1) of the Press Law. Article 19(1) states that the press must not be used to further 
the interests of any individual or group and is punishable with a maximum sentence 
of four years or a fine.
Political trials in Indonesia are commonly characterised by unfairness. The presence of
large numbers of plain-clothed and uniformed police and military officers 
ensures an atmosphere of intimidation in the court. Statements by the authorities 
implying a presumption of guilt are frequently made, judges often refuse to allow 
witnesses for the defence to appear, defendants are under pressure not to
appoint independent lawyers, and access for independent lawyers to defendants is 
commonly restricted. The result is that, in the overwhelming majority of political 
trials, a guilty verdict is a foregone conclusion.
The trials of Danang Kukuh Wardoyo, Eko Maryadi and Ahmad Taufik, held at the 
Central District Court in Jakarta in June 1995, were no exception to other unfair 
political trials in Indonesia. Elements of unfairness and irregularities in their arrest
and interrogation included:
▸the search of the AJI offices, carried out without a warrant and with only one other 
witness present, was in breach of Article 33 of the Indonesian Code of Criminal 
Procedure (KUHAP);
▸the three were arrested without warrants or authorization, in contravention of Article 
18 of the KUHAP;
▸the defendants were forced to give evidence against each other, leaving them at 
risk of incriminating themselves.
Inconsistencies in their trials included:
▸the refusal by the court to consider procedural errors which had occurred during 
the arrests and interrogations, including the facts concerning the unlawful nature 
of the arrests and interrogation;
▸the fact that the basis for the charges, articles from Independen, the now banned
AJI publication, had in some cases not been written by the defendants;
▸the fact that during the trial itself, little evidence was presented to support the 
reason for the arrest or charges being brought against the defendants;
▸the high military and intelligence presence during the trial, resulting in an 
atmosphere of intimidation;
▸the fact that access to the defendants was restricted by the court and 
international observers from the human rights organisation, Article 19, were refused 
access to the defendants.
In September 1995, Ahmad Taufik and Eko Maryadi were found guilty of “insulting 
the government” and both were sentenced to two years and eight 
months imprisonment.6Danang Kukuh Wardoyo was also found guilty of "insulting 
the government" and sentenced to twenty months' imprisonment. The sentencing 
prompted one member of Indonesia's National Human Rights Commission - Komisi 
Nasional Hak Azasi Manusia (Komnas HAM) - to express concern for the 
imprisonment of Danang Kukuh Wardoyo, who was not even a member of AJI and 
had not been involved in the production of the organisation's magazine. Komnas 
HAM member, Clementino Dos Reis Amaral, stated that he believed the sentence 
imposed on Danang was not "humanitarian" and could damage his prospects for the 
future7. Komnas HAM however has no mandate to compel the government to 
reconsider court decisions such as that imposed on Danang and the two journalists.
On 24 November, lawyers acting for Eko Maryadi and Ahmad Taufik were informed
by the Jakarta High Court that their sentences had been increased to three years on 
appeal. Danang's sentence remained the same. In yet another incident of unfairness,
the decision had been signed by the court on 11 October, but had not been conveyed
to the defendants or their lawyers. The lawyers were only informed of the decision after
they contacted the court to confirm whether a decision had been made, as the legal 
time limit in which higher courts decide on appeals had expired.
Amnesty International considers the actions of the Indonesian Government against
the journalists and Danang to be contrary to its stated commitment to protect human 
rights and an indication that the government is not yet willing to tolerate peaceful 
criticism. The organisation considers the three to be prisoners of conscience and 
calls for their immediate and unconditional release.
2. THE GOVERNMENT RESPONSE
In response to appeals for the release of Ahmad Taufik, Eko Maryadi, Danang Kukuh 
Wardoyo and Tri Agus Susanto, the Directorate General for Press and Graphics 
at the Ministry of Information and the Director of Foreign Information at the 
Department ofForeign Affairs both issued background papers on AJI and the
press in Indonesia8. This is consistent with statements from the Indonesian 
Government concerning the imprisonment of other individuals. The responses 
attempt to justify the actions of the government by referring to the need for a free 
but "responsible" press, but avoid completely the issue of imprisonment of peaceful
critics.
The first paper concentrates on the illegal status of AJI and Independen and the 
reasons for the June 1994 media bannings. It also provides great detail about the
official Indonesia Journalists' Association (PWI) as the defender of the interests of 
journalists. The response fails to acknowledge that following the establishment of AJI, 
PWI announced the expulsion of 13 members, saying they had "forfeited" their 
right to membership by joining AJI.